6 Feminism

Entrance: the 1980s–90s "third debate" — J. Ann Tickner's Gender in International Relations (1992; her question: what would security look like if Murphy—Morgenthau—were a woman?), Cynthia Enloe's Bananas, Beaches and Bases (1989; where are the women in world politics? — diplomats' wives, sex workers near bases, factory workers, domestic workers: the "womenandchildren" of war coverage), Jean Bethke Elshtain's Women and War.Core claims:1. IR's very concepts are gendered — "power," "security," "rational actor" coded masculine (autonomy, autonomy, force); care, dependence, peace coded feminine-and-dismissed;2. The "high politics" of statesmen and missiles rests on "low politics" of feminizedlabour — migration, care work, garment factories, peace-time households: the global political economy has a female underside;3. War and security are lived differently by women — conflict-related sexual violence, displacement, peace processes' exclusion of women (UNSCR 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security — the landmark making the point institutionally); feminist security theory redefines security as freedom from structural and bodily violence, not just territorial defence;4. Empirical feminism (women's under-representation in foreign-policy elites and its consequences), postcolonial feminism (the "third world woman" stereotype; the intersection of race, class, gender in the world economy) and constructivist feminism (gender as an identity structure of world politics) are the internal strands.Critique (to be fair in answers): the tradition is plural and sometimes programmatically normative; integrating gender without essentializing women…